Page 277 - A GRAMMAR OF BHOJPURI _ PhD Dissertation 2020 TU

pʌkʌɽke d ̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs
buɽ ̊ iɑ i oke j
buɽ ̊ iɑ u-ke pʌkʌɽ-ke d ̤ okʌri mẽ kʌs

old woman 3SG-ACC catch-SEQ bag LOC place and tighten

leli ɑ ø j cʌl delʌkʰ
le-ʌl-i ɑ cʌl de-ʌl-ʌkʰ
take-PP-3SG.PST.F.MH and walk give-PP-3SG.PST

'The old woman pulled him down, tightened him in the bag and (he) went.'
From the examples in (31a-b), it is clear that the governed zero (ø) could only
be the subject of the chained clause, not the object (see Givόn 2001a:182), i.e., an

absent argument (zero anaphor), in the subsequent clause is coreferential with the
agent/subject argument in the main clause.

h) Relativization and grammatical relations
In some languages, the zero coding strategy is used in the relative clauses,

regardless of whether the focus of relativization is subject, direct object or indirect
object. Japanese can be taken as example (Givόn 2001a:183). In the similar way, as

Chitoniya Tharu (Paudyal 2013:380), Maithili (Yadav 2014:82-3), Hindi (Koul
2008:189) and Nepali (Adhikari 2016:382) exhibit, relativization in Bhojpuri is
irrespective of being governed by grammatical roles because all the grammatical

relations are relativized employing the same strategy, as presented in (32a-d):
(32) a. Main clause

बाबुजी ओके िमठाई देनी ।

bɑbuji oke miʈʰɑi deni
bɑbu-ji oɦ-ke miʈʰɑi de-ni
father-H 3SG-DAT sweets give-PST.H

'Father gave sweets to him/her.'
b. Subject relative clause

बाबुजी जे ओके िमठाई देनी ... ।

bɑbuji je oke miʈʰɑi deni
bɑbu-ji je oɦ-ke miʈʰɑi de-ni
father-H COMP 3SG-DAT sweets give-PST.H

'Father who gave sweets to him/her...'
c. Direct object relative clause

िमठाई जे बाबुजी ओके देनी ... ।

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