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d ̤ ʌnpʌt   kuttɑ  ke   kʰis-e     nɑ    mu -ɑ-il-ʌkʰ

                                    Dhanpat  dog     ACC  anger-REAS  NEG  die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
                                    'Dhanpat didn't kill the dog in anger.' (06.049)

                                 d.  धनपत कु‚ा के घरे ना मुअइलख ।
                                    d ̤ ʌnpʌt   kuttɑ  ke   ɡ ̈ ʌre   nɑ    muʌilʌkʰ

                                    d ̤ ʌnpʌt   kuttɑ  ke   ɡ ̈ ʌr-e   nɑ   mu -ɑ-il-ʌkʰ

                                    Dhanpat  dog     ACC  house-LOC  NEG  die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
                                    'Dhanpat didn't kill the dog at home.' (06.050)

                                 In (50a-d), because of the optional constituent asserted in (50a), the
                           probability of accident is strong for killing the dog. Likewise, the probability of
                           killing the dog on some other day than on Friday is strong in (50b), probability of

                           being normal condition than in anger is strong in (50c) and that at somewhere else,
                           not at home in (50d). In this way the general inference is radically changed because of

                           assertion of some optional constituent.
                           b) Yes/no-question and focus attraction
                                 Generally a yes/no question is wide open if it has only obligatory arguments

                           and it can take the entire VP, including even the subject, as shown in (51):
                             (51)   का धनपत कु‚ा के मुअइलख ?

                                  kɑ     d ̤ ʌnpʌt   kuttɑ  ke   muʌilʌkʰ

                                  kɑ     d ̤ ʌnpʌt   kuttɑ  ke   mu -ɑ-il-ʌkʰ

                                  what  Dhanpat  dog      ACC  die-CAUS-PP-3.PST
                                  'Did Dhanpat kill the dog?' (06.051)
                                 If an optional constituent is present in (51), it attracts the focus of the yes/no-

                           question, even without contrast, in the similar way as we discussed in (50).
                           12.2.5 Other focus attractive devices

                                 There are some other elements to display similar behaviour how optional
                           constituents attract both the focus of assertion and contrastive focus, such as wh-

                           quenstions and contrastive quantifiers. As contrastive quantifiers have already been
                           discussed, wh-questions are under discussion in this section. As in the cleft clauses,

                           the contrastive focus in wh-questions tends to be attracted to the क- /kʌ-/ 'wh-' word in
                           Bhojpuri rather than to other constituents, as shown in (52a-b):

                             (52) a.  कु‚ा के के  मुअइलख ?



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